…ith Israel, Syria, and Lebanon on a line of withdrawal (the so-called Blue Line). On this basis, it was determined that Israeli troops had left all Lebanese territory. Further, he reported that, consistent with UN requirements, Israel’s Lebanese proxy, the South Lebanese Army (SL...
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… use of ambiguous language on the most conten- tious issues: Jerusalem, borders, security, and refugees. The successive Israeli govern- ments and the Palestinian leadership had substantially different views on the final status of all four of these issues. The language contained w...
… the security argument for keeping several small hilltop outposts just north of the border. But I insisted not a single Israeli soldier or emplacement remain on Lebanese soil. Throughout the spring, we had been coordinating every detail of the planned pullout with UN cartographer...
… the outer East Jerusalem neighborhoods would be under Palestinian sovereignty. The rest of the city would remain under Israeli sovereignty, but most of the other Arab villages would be subject to a system of Palestinian administration. The Haram al-Sharif, the mosque complex abo...
/ BARAK / 58 previous Israeli leader in trying to get that peace. I knew that he would press me to tell him how far that actually was. He didn’t ask directly. But each of his ostensibly theoretical questions was aimed at establishing whether I could give him enough for a summit...
…ssed as a maintenance crew; or that, in leading an assassination raid in Beirut against the PLO group that had murdered Israeli athletes at the 1972 Munich Olympics, I was disguised as a woman. Not the most attractive young lady, perhaps, though I did, painfully, pluck my eyelash...
…n agreement with Syria. We could muster only 47 votes, 14 short of a majority. An opinion poll found only 13 percent of Israelis favored a full withdrawal from the Golan. The message I drew from this was not that we should give up on the chances of a peace agreement. After all,...
… The irony was that he would go on to forge a much closer relationship with President Clinton than between any previous Israeli and US leader. But his first impression was more skeptical. “Clearly, Clinton is very intelligent,” he said. “He is surprisingly sharp politically for s...
… is this more apparent that in Hamas's relations with Israel. Especially since the 2008-2009 Cast Lead Operation, where Israeli forces hit Gaza hard, Hamas has often (though not always) adhered to a ceasefire with Israel. In the months following Cast Lead, only a few rockets were...
…ends since that time. Another close friend who started out as a client is Natan Sharansky, now a cabinet member of the Israeli government. When I represented him his name was Anatoly Sharansky and he was an imprisoned Soviet refusenick. His mother and wife asked me, along with m...
…ear of any detailed comment on the Iraqi moves, he made it clear that he understood our concern about stumbling into an Israeli-Jordanian conflict and agreed that we had to avoid doing so. Yet the issue of our overflights, if we needed to attack the Scuds, was more sensitive. We...
/ BARAK / 120 capable to taking over Gaza. But what then, I asked. Unless we were prepared to resume open-ended Israeli control, we’d be left with no one to run Gaza afterwards. The obvious candidate, Egypt, was even less interested than we were in assuming responsibility for th...
… the kirva. Both Dan Meridor and Benny Begin, Menachem Begin’s son and a minister without portfolio, were opposed to an Israeli attack from the start. They were convinced that the implications for the region, and for our relations with the wider world, were difficult to predict a...
Palestinians toward the 50,000 Israelis who were then living in the settlements. At the time, by far most Palestinians were not involved in any violence. They were mainly interested in getting on with their lives. Yet there were signs of trouble. The PLO leaders’ relocation to Tu...
linger there. There's abundant reason for skepticism. The project's future depends on the Israeli authorities’ willingness to allow for the construction of access roads in "Area C," or West Bank territory under the direct control of Israel. The sole existing route into the city o...