…further 24 hours before we Started seriously to work out if there might be some way for us to free them. Prime Minister Rabin was clearly asking himself the same question, however, because on Tuesday afternoon, he called Motta in the Negev. It was now a full 53 hours after the hi...
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… 77 moment in the summit. If we cou/d find common ground, he said, Israel would have achieved what had eluded it under Rabin, and even Ben-Gurion: “end of conflict, and Jerusalem recognized internationally as your capital.” I told him that the discussion with my negotiators had...
4.2.12 WC: 191694 Rabin 381 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017468
…iations were still anathema to many other Israelis. Syria was always my first negotiating priority, as it had been for Rabin and, for a brief period, Bibi as well. This was not just because the shape of a final agreement with the Syrians was clearer, to both sides, than with the...
…nts that might otherwise face public criticism. The three Israeli Prime Ministers who were in office from 1993 to 1999—Rabin, Peres, and Netanyahu—approached the challenges of peace through a concept of gradualism, postponing the tricky final status issues. Barak, who took offic...
…ve Knesset seats. It wasn’t over land-for-peace. In an echo of a similar crisis that brought down the government during Rabin’s first spell as Prime Minister in the 1970s, it was over a violation of the Jewish Sabbath. It turned out that Israel’s state electric company had been t...
…wanted to avoid as much as humanly possible. It was an attempt to engage with Syria. He asked me about the talks under Rabin and Peres, and my views on the possibility of a deal with President Assad. He also wanted my assessment about whether the army could work out arrangements...
… I attached to his role in “shaping peace in the Middle East.” I said I would not waver in continuing on the path which Rabin and he and begun. And while the security of Israel would be my paramount concern in negotiations, “I also want each Palestinian to feel secure.” Both side...
…sh a state came only later, after my many years in uniform, and especially when, as deputy chief-of-staff under Yitzhak Rabin, we were faced with the explosion of violence in the West Bank and Gaza that became known as the first intifada. And while my determination as Prime Minis...
…mping warning that the hatred on the far-right would lead to a murder, and Avraham Shochat, Finance Minister under both Rabin and Peres. Both had been in the Knesset since the 1980s. Both were part of two of Peres’s earlier, failed, election campaigns. Both now said that they wer...
… course, getting back the Golan. I did, however, come ready to negotiate. Though I was still not prepared to reconfirm Rabin’s “pocket deposit” as a mere ticket of admission, my position remained essentially the one I had worked out with Yitzhak in formulating the deposit: IAMNA...
…enachem Begin had it,as several years after the bitter 73' war he was able to make a daring peace with Egypt. Als lzhak Rabin,who now 20yrs ago, signed the Peace treaty with Jordan though in amidst a wave of terror. He faced huge internal rejection but it began the first baby ste...
…me one of the first Israelis to hold secret talks with Arafat, building up a personal relationship with him. Under both Rabin and Peres, he had been a valuable liaison with the Palestinian leader. Nowm under my Premiership as well. The summit seemed to me more important than eve...
…e decades before the two of us actually met — shortly after the assassination of my longtime comrade and friend Yitzhak Rabin, when I had become Foreign Minister under Shimon Peres. But in the intervening years, Arafat was rarely off of my radar. By the early 1970s, he and his fi...
I sensed, at the time, at least the start of some connection. I suspected that Arafat viewed me, as he had Rabin before me, as a “fellow fighter”. But if so, I now wondered whether that might have been part of the problem in his ever truly understanding my mission at Camp David....