and on the prospects of eventually finding a way to make peace. It was
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it’s impossible to know when peace will be restored.
generally civil, and often friendly contacts, Israelis had with Palestinians at the time. The local population had, after all, been under other occupation powers before 1967: Jordan in the West Bank, and Egypt in Gaza. Assuming our administration was less onerous, most Israelis b...
/ BARAK / 125 Chapter Twenty-Five I had hoped that in facing down the nuclear threat from Iran, I could nudge Bibi towards a reengagement with the Palestinians — not with great enthusiasm, but as an act of pure political pragmatism. There were only two ways we could stop the Ir...
/ BARAK / 69 municipal functions and daily life would be divided between Israel and the Palestinians under a peace agreement. When I convened our negotiators in my cabin to take stock of the logjam, I was getting more and more skeptical of finding a way to get to actual negotia...
"Well, frankly, the US didn't have the wisdom. It just wanted to celebrate its peace dividend. The two Clinton terms and the two George W. Bush terms, that's four presidential terms, have cost US mightily.” For Keating, the malaise in US politics is the problem. He says: "The mo...
Israelis and Palestinians, particularly Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. But hey, that was then. A second-term president has committed himself early in 2013 to a trip to Israel and has an Energizer bunny in Secretary of State John Kerry, who wants to do the right thing...
7.3 Toward a Formal Characterization of Real-World General Intelligence 137 7.3.2 Connecting Legg and Hutter’s Model of Intelligent Agents to the Real World A notable aspect of the Legg and Hutter formalism is the separation of the reward mechanism from the cognitive mechanisms...
change, lock in great-state peace. So many desires scatter our minds and when we fail to achieve them they erode our will. Here is a basic lesson of accomplishment in any human domain: Better for us to focus on a single aim, and tighten our efforts around that one aim and use suc...
/ BARAK / 3 I’d met President Clinton briefly once before, when he received Syrian chief-of- staff Hikmat Shehabi and me after our Blair House talks in 1994. But the Sharm conference provided my first opportunity to spend time with him face-to-face. When Peres and our delegation...
/ BARAK / 29 Minister. But fewer and fewer Israelis were enthusiastic about four more years of Bibi. But I also was keen to convey the substance of what my premiership would be about. Domestically, I spoke of the need to narrow gaps in education and opportunity — particularly, t...
/ BARAK / 43 sayeret deputy, my chief of staff. The negotiating team also included Uri Saguy, former head of military intelligence; Gilad Sher, a gifted lawyer I'd known for a quarter of a century and who had been a company commander in my armored brigade in the 1970s; and Amnon...
/ BARAK / 76 many as possible of the Arab inhabitants to come under the authority of the Palestinians, and as few as possible under our rule.” Amnon’s bottom line was that we could not give up Israeli sovereignty over the Temple Mount, which, although he was a non-observant Jew,...
/ BARAK / 70 the Palestinians after a transitional period. The part we had earmarked for Palestinian control was now a bit over 85 percent of the West Bank, more than I’d indicated to the President in our first meeting a year earlier. But while Abu Ala’a had told Clinton he woul...
/ BARAK / 81 with Arafat still mute and unresponsive. That was the only way we could know with certainty whether peace was possible. If it wasn’t, it would also demonstrate powerfully to the Americans that we were not the party who had prevented an agreement. The President came...