Where Arik appears
31 total
/ BARAK / 112 then in response to Hamas rocket fire into Israel. The moral: Arik was wrong to withdraw. But the Islamists’ ascendancy was happening anyway. After all, it was Hamas attacks that provided the spearhead of the intifada of terro...
…unrest known as the intifada. But even without a fully thought-out view on these issues, I was taken aback by Arik’s almost godlike supposition that he could use fire and brimstone, or the modern military equivalent, to remake the Middle Ea...
…uslim militias, the PLO, other Maronite factions and, of course, the Syrians. But I think for all of us, even Arik, the issue of who was behind the bombing was hardly the most urgent concern. The immediate danger was a revival of the kind o...
…cease-fire to halt Palestinian Katyusha rocket fire into Israel. It was generally holding. But fundamentally, Arik’s war plan was not a response to the Katyushas. It was a way of using military force to achieve Prime Minister Begin’s politi...
…osal. Besides, it was obvious no serious negotiations were going to happen anyway for the foreseeable future. Arik, however, said he wanted not just a “full divorce” from Camp David. He insisted we formally declare an end to the entire Oslo...
…ARAK / 93 The request that had come across my desk a few days earlier need not have changed that. Even though Arik had failed, for now, to bring down the government, he was keen to make political capital from the collapse of Camp David. He...
…ucceed. The problem wasn’t the choice of units. No one could doubt the record of Battalion 890, or of the men Arik had sent in before Yitzhik arrived. But there was no way they were going to take the area on their own. I couldn’t understand...
not only had Arik remained as a minister without portfolio when
killing a young Peace Now member. Even Arik was
Arik and some other ministers to the massacre. Determined to shift the
predicting how Arik’s ostensibly more limited
the first of Arik’s men had crossed the canal. By the
…ns allowed a for a serious new effort for a final peace deal. I was heartened when Shimon led Labor back into Arik’s coalition at the start of 2005 to ensure he’d have the support necessary to go through with the Gaza withdrawal. And while...
ad become a kind of family political operation: Arik and his two sons, Omri and Gilad. But Arik also seemed to be undergoing a welcome political conversion, to the need for the more profound political “disengagement” with the Palestinians w...
…people, mostly elderly, as they were celebrating the annual Passover Seder in a hotel dining room in Netanya. Arik hit back two days later with Israel’s largest military operation on the West Bank since 1967. Israeli forces retook major Pal...
…he idea of joining any Likud-led government. They were especially disgusted by the prospect of doing so under Arik, the architect of the 1982 Lebanon War. Most of the Labor’s central committee did seem in favor of joining. But given the sca...
…ainst me. Nor did the Israeli Arabs. Yet in very large numbers, they simply didn’t vote. In percentage terms, Arik’s victory was even more decisive than mine over Bibi. He got more than 62 percent of the vote. I received barely 37 percent....
…heir seats, the Labor machine lacked its usual incentive put up posters, knock on doors, or get out the vote. Arik, however, benefited from the enthusiasm of Likudniks and other right-wing activists who saw an opportunity to retake control...
…nt. It had been launched in pursuit of a specific political vision: a marriage of Begin’s political credo and Arik’s determination to use overwhelming force to bulldoze a new political reality in Lebanon. The findings of the inquiry commiss...
…back. His view was that unless the PLO felt squeezed into submission, they would stay put. On that, I thought Arik was probably right. Other Israeli generals with far more experience, and weight, also seemed to agree. Notably, Yitzhak Rabin...
