run they’re doing better than the United States without having these
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run they’re doing better than the United States without having these
Western institutions. The real challenge is the long-run sustainability
of that system, or of the two systems. And looking at that in the long-
run, I would still bet on the West, with its rule of law and systems of
checks and balances on authority.
SHAFFER: You’ve probably heard a lot of phony rebuttals based on
misreading of The End of History. So, | won’t attempt one — but
you’ve made oblique references to your own revisions and criticisms.
How does the rise of China and the current Arab unrest, for example,
fit into the end of history?
FUKUYAMA: If you understand the original thesis correctly, what I
was saying is that there was a theory of history among progressive
intellectuals for most of the 20th century. That theory of history was
Marxism. And according to the Marxists, the end of history was a
communist utopia. My observation in the late 1980s is that we
weren't going to get there. Liberal democracies seemed to be the
highest stage of political development, and I didn’t see any real
alternatives. If you understand the thesis that way, I still believe that.
Nothing that’s happened in the last 20 years has convinced me that
there’s a higher form of government. Certainly not 9/11 — I don’t
think anybody wants to live in a place like Iran and Afghanistan, so I
don’t think that’s a serious competitor. China is a more plausible
alternative. But I don’t think that anybody who’s not culturally
Chinese would duplicate their system, and the Chinese are not really
proselytizing their system. So I still think liberal democracy is the
default form of government.
What’s changed for me are a couple of things: One 1s the idea of
political decay. It wasn’t an important part of the End of History. But
I do think that all political systems, including liberal democracies,
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031904
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