Banks listed in the ITF document (the committee representing them) are under no binding legal obliga

** Banks listed in the ITF document (the committee representing them) are under no binding legal obligation to participate in the debt exchanges, and may turn out to own less Greek debt than currently believed. [Note: bank participation in the Latin Brady bond era was high, since at the time, banks held almost all the paper, and in the form of illiquid loans]. The big question: would Germany still live up to the deal if Greece missed deficit targets or assets sales, if bank participation was too low, or if hedge funds (once referred to by the Chairman of the German Social Democratic Party as a “swarm of locusts’) reaped large free rider windfalls? Ultimately, this is a political question. If “yes”, Germany will underwrite Greece no matter what; if “no”, then a broader, coercive Greek restructuring might follow in the not-so-distant future. In addition to execution risk in Greece, we are left with 3 other concerns. The current EU-IMF lending facility capacity is Eur 255 bn, but we anticipate that as agreed, national parliaments will expand it to 440 bn. First concern: while that’s to deal with problems in Greece, Portugal and Ireland, if you include Spain, it gets tight (note: the chart excludes costs to recapitalize banks). If Italy or Belgium entered Europe’s Liquidity Hospital, a lot more money might be needed from European parliaments (in one worst-case scenario, Alliance Bernstein estimates that the EU lending facility would have to increase from 440 bn to 1.7 trillion Euros, mostly from Germany). Italy faces a multi-notch downgrade from Moody’s, which is not going to help. As we discussed two weeks ago, Italy has been a model citizen in terms of running low budget deficits for 20 years, but still cannot escape the confines of its very large existing debt stock (120% of GDP). Second, as shown below, Europe is now a two-speed economy, with the periphery stuck in neutral (industrial production is one proxy for this; there are others, such as unemployment, consumption, export shares, etc). If the idea behind the EU/IMF effort is that austerity will boost growth and lead these countries back to the public markets, there is very little momentum in this direction. If the status quo in the periphery does not change, all the EU package does is allow the current approach more time to fail. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031161