invasion had the effect of persuading Washington to send Philip Habib back
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invasion had the effect of persuading Washington to send Philip Habib back
into the diplomatic fray. With no early sign, however, of Arafat agreeing to
leave, Arik now steadily tightened what amounted to a siege on west Beirut. For
seven weeks in July and August, our forces pounded the PLO-controlled
neighborhoods from land, air and sea; intermittently cut water and electricity
supplies; and hoped that the accumulated pressure, and casualties, would force
Arafat and his men to agree to Habib’s terms for a wholesale evacuation.
By this point, I was spending most of my time in the Airya, with periodic
visits north, sometimes with Arik or Raful, to our positions on the eastern,
Phalangist-controlled, side of Beirut. On several occasions, I helicoptered back
with Habib or his deputy, Morris Draper. In one instance, I accompanied Draper
into a meeting with Arik. In what I imagine had become a familiar, and
frustrating, part of the US mediation mission, he pressed Arik to rein in our
bombardments, arguing that we were in danger of ruining the chances of getting
a negotiated deal on Arafat’s leaving. Arik argued straight back. His view was
that unless the PLO felt squeezed into submission, they would stay put.
On that, I thought Ank was probably right. Other Israeli generals with far
more experience, and weight, also seemed to agree. Notably, Yitzhak Rabin. He
was no longer in government, nor even in charge of Labor. But he had always
had a soft spot for Arik, as did Sharon for him. With uneasiness, questions and
outright criticism of the siege building both internationally and inside Israel,
Arik got Rabin to helicopter north with him to Beirut. Yitzhak spent six or
seven hours there. His verdict on the siege, at least as reported in the Israeli
press, was more than Arik could have hoped for. Lehadek, he said. “Tighten it.”
In the end, I’m convinced the siege did have a critical effect on getting the
evacuation deal. But unleashing our single most relentless series of air attacks,
on August 12, when the deal was basically done, seemed both perverse and
excessive, and not just to me. Habib, and President Reagan himself, fumed. So
did a lot of Begin’s own ministers, with the result, unprecedented in Israeli
military annals, that they formally removed Arik’s authority to decide on future
air force missions. That turned out not to matter, however, because August 12
effectively marked the end of the siege.
On the afternoon of Saturday, August 21, the first shipload of an eventual
total of nearly 10,000 Palestinian fighters left Beirut harbor for Cyprus, and then
for a variety of new host countries. On this score at least, Arik’s grand design
had proven beyond him: the Palestinians were not bound for Jordan. By far
most of them headed for the PLO’s new political base, the north African state of
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