began demanding a constitutional monarchy or even the outright
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began demanding a constitutional monarchy or even the outright
ouster of the Al-Khalifa family. Many protesters saw these as
reasonable responses to years of empty promises to give the majority
Shiites a real share of power—and to the vicious government
crackdown that had killed seven demonstrators to that point.
But to the Saudis, not to mention Bahrain's ruling family, even the
occasional appearance of posters of Lebanese Hezbollah leader
Hassan Nasrallah amid crowds of Shiite protesters pumping their fists
and chanting demands for regime change was too much. They saw
how Iran's influence has grown in Shiite-majority Iraq, along their
northern border, and they were not prepared to let that happen again.
As for the U.S., the Saudis saw calls for reform as another in a string
of disappointments and outright betrayals. Back in 2002, the U.S. had
declined to get behind an offer from King Abdullah (then Crown
Prince) to rally widespread Arab recognition for Israel in exchange
for Israel's acceptance of borders that existed before the 1967 Six Day
War—a potentially historic deal, as far as the Saudis were concerned.
And earlier this year, President Obama declined a personal appeal
from the king to withhold the U.S. veto at the United Nations from a
resolution condemning continued Israeli settlement building in
Jerusalem and the West Bank.
The Saudis believe that solving the issue of Palestinian statehood will
deny Iran a key pillar in its regional expansionist strategy—and thus
bring a win for the forces of Sunni moderation that Riyadh wants to
lead.
Iran, too, was starting to see a compelling case for action as one
Western-backed regime after another appeared to be on the ropes. It
ramped up its rhetoric and began using state media and the regional
Arab-language satellite channels it supports to depict the pro-
democracy uprisings as latter-day manifestations of its own
revolution in 1979. "Today the events in the North of Africa, Egypt,
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