anthropomorphism to fresh possibilities
Epstein Suite indexes the text; the original document lives at its official source. We don't host the original file — view it on the official release to read it in full.
View the original on the official releaseDocument text
Text is machine OCR and may contain errors. Confirm against the original source above.
anthropomorphism to fresh possibilities
for interpretation that are especially
important for understanding its role in
the human spiritual traditions in
modernity, as well as the controversies
surrounding that role. This research
proposes that a single set of
psychological mechanisms is likely to
explain when people perceive a mind at
work in an encountered phenomenon,
regardless of whether the thing in
question is a god, a machine, an animal,
another person, or an uncanny sequence
of events. From this perspective, the
psychological process of
anthropomorphic inference works in
concert with two other motivational
mechanisms: the need to interact
effectively with nonhuman phenomena
in our environment and the desire to
establish social connections with other
humans.” The phrase anthropomorphic
inference fails to capture, however, the
interactive dynamism that infuses a
person’s perception that a mind is at
work in another agent. Put more
strongly, our sense that mind is present
in the other is, in no small measure, the
sense that we are communicating. The
absence of this communicative
dimension of mind perception is
precisely the tragedy in the family of an
Alzheimer’s patient—the loss of
reciprocal recognition. As Tanya
Luhrmann vividly illustrates in the next
chapter, religious anthropomorphism
builds on the notion that this
communicative reciprocity extends
beyond the boundary of human society
into the wider environment and includes
social connection and communication
with the divine.
Anthropomorphism adds an
obvious but important twist to these
psychological mechanisms: whenever a
person ascribes human attributes to a
Page |105
nonhuman phenomenon, the person
nonetheless continues to perceive it as
nonhuman. When, for instance, a pet
owner observes a dog’s reliability and
infers that this behavior arises from the
dog’s faithfulness, the owner does not go
on to say that the dog is human. Indeed,
an indispensable aspect of an
anthropomorphic way of seeing Fido’s
faithfulness is that the person also
continues to see Fido as a dog. This dual
perception is even more pronounced in a
parallel illustration: a person observes
the everyday reliability of gravity and
infers that this arises from faithfulness at
the heart of the natural order. Both
illustrations indicate a close connection
of anthropomorphism to metaphor, in
which persons understand one kind of
thing in terms of another by identifying a
feature that bridges their difference
without eliminating it. The specific
feature, in this case faithfulness, posits a
point of comparison that enables a
familiar human capacity for loyalty to
enable interpretation of another,
unfamiliar or alien phenomenon. The
illustrations further suggest that Fido’s
faithfulness is what could be called weak
anthropomorphism, because one could
plausibly argue that dogs and humans
actually do share a capacity for
faithfulness. We perceive that, as
mammals, they exhibit many behavioral
similarities. By contrast, the perception
of faithfulness as an attribute of the
natural order is strong
anthropomorphism, because it makes a
far more daring inference in its effort to
draw an analogy that produces insight or
knowledge about the communicative
reciprocity of the human and the
nonhuman. Religions, as Edwards’s
sermon illustrates, build primarily on
strong anthropomorphism in order to
propound communicative social
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021351
Have a question about what this document contains?
Ask the documents