Republic Airport in Farmingdale, Long Island. Accompanying Hannity was a small group
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Republic Airport in Farmingdale, Long Island. Accompanying Hannity was a small group
of current and former Fox employees, all Ailes and Trump partisans. But each felt some
open angst, or even incredulity, about Trump being Trump: first there was the difficulty of
grasping the Comey rationale, and now his failure to give even a nod to his late friend
Ailes.
“He’s an idiot, obviously,” said the former Fox correspondent Liz Trotta.
Fox anchor Kimberly Guilfoyle spent much of the flight debating Trump’s entreaties to
have her replace Sean Spicer at the White House. “There are a lot of issues, including
personal survival.”
As for Hannity himself, his view of the right-wing world was shifting from Foxcentric
to Trumpcentric. He did not think much more than a year would pass before he, too,
would be pushed from the network, or find it too inhospitable to stay on. And yet he was
pained by Trump’s slavish attentions to Murdoch, who had not only ousted Ailes but
whose conservatism was at best utilitarian. “He was for Hillary!” said Hannity.
Ruminating out loud, Hannity said he would leave the network and go work full time
for Trump, because nothing was more important than that Trump succeed—“in spite of
himself,” Hannity added, laughing.
But he was pissed off that Trump hadn’t called Beth. “Mueller,” he concluded, drawing
deeply on an electronic cigarette, had distracted him.
Trump may be a Frankenstein creation, but he was the right wing’s creation, the first,
true, right-wing original. Hannity could look past the Comey disaster. And Jared. And the
mess in the White House.
Still, he hadn’t called Beth.
“What the fuck is wrong with him?” asked Hannity.
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Trump believed he was one win away from turning everything around. Or, perhaps more
to the point, one win away from good press that would turn everything around. The fact
that he had largely squandered his first hundred days—whose victories should have been
the currency of the next hundred days—was immaterial. You could be down in the media
one day and then the next have a hit that made you a success.
“Big things, we need big things,” he said, angrily and often. “This isn’t big. I need big.
Bring me big. Do you even know what big 1s?”
Repeal and replace, infrastructure, true tax reform—the rollout Trump had promised
and then depended on Paul Ryan to deliver—was effectively in tatters. Every senior staff
member was now maintaining that they shouldn’t have done health care, the precursor to
the legislative rollout, in the first place. Whose idea was that, anyway?
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