relationships, the course of operations and other factors would place
Epstein Suite indexes the text; the original document lives at its official source. We don't host the original file — view it on the official release to read it in full.
View the original on the official releasePeople & organizations named in this document
Being named here is not an accusation of wrongdoing.
Document text
Text is machine OCR and may contain errors. Confirm against the original source above.
24
relationships, the course of operations and other factors would place
the United States and Iran at the center of more or less structured
coalitions of the marginally willing.
A Western coalition could consist of the United States and most of its
traditional allies (but very likely not Turkey, based on the evolution
of Turkish politics) in addition to some Persian Gulf states, Jordan
and perhaps Egypt, depending on where its revolution takes it. Much
would depend on whether U.S. leaders could persuade others to go
along, which would mean convincing them that U.S. forces could
shield them from Iranian and Iranian-proxy retaliation, or at least
substantially weaken its effects.
Coalition warfare would present a number of challenges to the U.S.
government. Overall, it would lend legitimacy to the action, but it
would also constrict U.S. freedom of action, perhaps by limiting the
scope and intensity of military operations. There would thus be
tension between the desire for a small coalition of the capable for
operational and security purposes and a broader coalition that would
include marginally useful allies to maximize legitimacy.
The U.S. administration would probably not welcome Israeli
participation. But if Israel were directly attacked by Iran or its allies,
Washington would find it difficult to keep Israel out—as it did during
the 1991 Gulf War. That would complicate the U.S. ability to manage
its coalition, although it would not necessarily break it apart. Iranian
diplomacy and information operations would seek to exploit Israeli
participation to the fullest.
Iran would have its own coalition. Hizballah in particular could act at
Iran’s behest both by attacking Israel directly and by using its
asymmetric and irregular warfare capabilities to expand the conflict
and complicate the maintenance of the U.S. coalition. The escalation
of the Hizballah-Israel conflict could draw in Syria and Hamas;
Hamas in particular could feel compelled to respond to an Iranian
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018108
Have a question about what this document contains?
Ask the documents