— worth a total of 153.5 billion dollars, were to give up one third of their net worth, they could s
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— worth a total of 153.5 billion dollars, were to give up one third of their net worth, they could solve
world hunger. On a personal level, they would barely notice this donation. With this knowledge, why
should I bother to give a penny? This is one example of apathy regarding our motivation to help others.
What propels individuals to shift from passive bystanders who can allow harm to occur to active
contributors?
Classic studies by the American psychologists John Darley and Bibb Latane reveal the
ingredients for bystander action. Whether it is helping someone having a seizure, being molested, or in
danger of suffocation from smoke, we are more likely to help when alone than when in a group. We are
also more likely to help when we recognize the situation as a crisis and think that there are plausible
solutions. These are all characteristics of the situation. There are also characteristics of the mdividual
bystander, including their level of compassion and empathy toward others, their capacity to identify with
the victim, and their self-control. For example, people who intervene in cases of child abuse, as opposed
to the passive bystanders, are more likely to have been abused as children, more likely to perceive a
solution, more likely to feel responsibility to intervene, and more likely to experience the weight of guilt
for not intervening. We are back to individuals differences. We are back to the egg and coop, and their
joint contribution to helping or harming others. We are back to the established genetic differences in
compassion, risk-taking, and self-control that combine with a history of experience to create some who sit
and watch and others who actively participate.
We are more likely to pardon bystanders because we tend to see omissions as less bad than
actions, and omitters as less responsible for the consequences than actors. This is a dangerous effect.
Bystanders are part of the equation of evil. As noted by the American genocide scholar and psychologist,
Ervin Staub, bystanders start out as passive players on the side lines, but are rapidly transformed into
perpetrators. The transformation starts with the challenge of maintaining passivity while watching other
humans suffer; to maintain this observer status requires suppressing empathy for the sufferers, while
recognizing that they are in the minority and you, the bystander, are with the majority. To avoid feeling
guilty for not feeling empathy, bystanders distance themselves even further from the victims. Distancing
1s an adaptive response as any association with the victims could put a bystander in harm’s way. But like
so many other psychological states discussed in this book, distancing leads to dehumanization.
Dehumanization leads to moral disengagement and greater justification for the perpetrators. Justification
lends cheering support for violence. This is the final transforming step, from passive bystander to active
participant.
Recall that on my account of evil, evildoers either have a desire to cause harm directly or desire
something good, recognizing that it will cause harm indirectly. This is true of actions and omissions. For
example, keeping a secret, even if pressured into spilling the beans, is a good thing because it upholds a
Hauser Chapter 4. Wicked in waiting 139
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